The Businesses That Can’t Afford To Exist
Exploring the economic challenges facing independent bookstores as they struggle against high commercial rents and competition from chain businesses.
5 minutes · No politics · Just things worth knowing
Transcript
SECTION:intro] It’s Saturday, April fourth, and welcome to HigherIQ. You’ve probably had this thought. You’re walking through your neighborhood and you think: I wish there were a bookstore here. Or a wine shop. Or a little cafe where you could sit and read for an hour. The kind of place that makes a neighborhood feel like a neighborhood. Then you look around and see a bank branch, a pharmacy chain, a vacant storefront with a faded “for lease” sign, and a vape shop. The businesses you want and the businesses that exist are two different lists, and the gap between them isn’t random. It’s economics. When you sell a ten dollar book, about six dollars goes back to the publisher. The remaining four dollars covers rent, salaries, utilities, insurance, and everything else it takes to keep a physical store open. After all of that, the average independent bookstore in America keeps about twenty cents on that ten dollar sale. Net profit margins for independent bookstores run between two and five percent in a good year. A store doing five hundred thousand dollars in annual revenue might clear twenty five thousand in profit. The owner’s salary, if they take one, typically falls between thirty and seventy thousand dollars, and that’s before any unexpected expense wipes out the year’s margin entirely. Now consider what that bookstore is competing against for its lease. Commercial rent in an urban neighborhood can run forty to a hundred dollars per square foot per year. For a modest two thousand square foot shop, that’s eighty thousand to two hundred thousand dollars annually in rent alone. A bank branch, a chain pharmacy, or a medical office can absorb that cost easily because their margins are dramatically higher. A bookstore operating on a two percent margin cannot. When a lease comes up for renewal and the landlord raises the rent, the bookstore loses. The bank branch wins. The neighborhood gets another business that nobody walks to for pleasure. This is the core tension. The businesses that make a neighborhood feel alive are almost always the ones with the thinnest margins. Bookstores, record shops, independent cafes, art supply stores, small galleries, wine bars with eight tables. These are businesses built on community, on atmosphere, on the experience of being somewhere worth being. They generate foot traffic that benefits every other business on the block. But they can’t outbid a Walgreens for the lease. And in American commercial real estate, the lease goes to whoever pays the most. The result is what urbanists call commercial monoculture. Walk down a commercial strip in any mid-sized American city and you’ll see the same twelve businesses: a bank, a pharmacy, a phone store, a fast-casual chain, a nail salon, a dry cleaner. Useful, maybe, but indistinguishable from the same strip three miles away. It’s the kind of streetscape you drive through, not one you walk through after dinner hoping to discover something. Other countries have decided this is a problem worth solving. France treats bookstores as essential businesses, the same legal category as grocery stores. French law caps the discount Amazon can offer on books at five percent and restricts free delivery, protecting the price floor that independent sellers depend on. Paris goes further. The city stabilizes commercial rents in expensive neighborhoods and controls which types of businesses can open in certain storefronts. If a butcher closes, only another food shop is allowed to take the space. The city government itself owns some ground-floor retail and leases it below market rate to independent shops and culturally important businesses. One bookstore in Paris, called ICI, operates in a city-owned building with subsidized rent and benefits from interest-free government loans and grants from France’s national book center. The city has made a policy decision that a neighborhood with a bookstore is more valuable than a neighborhood without one, even if the bookstore can’t pay top dollar for the lease. Paris has also adopted the “fifteen minute city” model, the principle that every resident should have access to food shops, cafes, green space, schools, and leisure within a fifteen minute walk or bike ride from home. The model requires active intervention in what kinds of businesses occupy ground-floor retail. It’s urban planning as curation, where the city decides that diversity of commerce is a public good worth protecting, the same way it protects parks and libraries. San Francisco created the Legacy Business Registry in 2015 to address a version of the same problem. Businesses that have operated for thirty or more years and contributed to a neighborhood’s identity can apply for official recognition and financial support. Legacy businesses receive grants of five hundred dollars per full-time employee per year, capped at fifty thousand. Landlords who extend leases to legacy businesses for at least ten years can receive rent stabilization grants of four dollars and fifty cents per square foot. Over four hundred businesses have been added to the registry, including Boudin Bakery (operating since 1849), the original Mission-style burrito shop El Faro, and Christopher’s Books, a small independent bookstore in Potrero Hill. The program was approved by San Francisco voters with fifty seven percent support, which suggests that the desire to preserve the businesses that define a neighborhood isn’t just nostalgic. It’s broadly popular. But these programs, even the ambitious ones, are patching a structural problem. The fundamental issue is that American commercial real estate treats storefront space purely as a commodity. The highest bidder wins. Zoning in most American cities separates residential and commercial areas more aggressively than nearly any other developed country, which concentrates retail into strips and malls rather than weaving it into residential blocks. And there’s no national framework, or even a widespread local one, for treating certain kinds of businesses as public goods the way we treat parks, libraries, or transit. There’s also a paradox that anyone who’s walked through a struggling commercial district has noticed: storefronts sit empty for months or years while potential tenants who could fill them can’t afford the asking rent. Landlords in many cities would rather hold out for a high-paying tenant than lease to a bookstore at a lower rate. In some cases, the tax code makes vacancy less painful than a below-market lease, because landlords can claim the lost revenue as a deduction. The result is streets full of “for lease” signs in neighborhoods full of people who would love somewhere to browse, sit, and spend an evening. The demand is there. The supply of willing businesses is there. The pricing mechanism in between is what breaks. The irony is that the data supports intervention. Research from the Institute for Local Self-Reliance found that for every hundred dollars spent at a local independent business, sixty eight dollars stays in the local economy. For chain stores, that number drops to roughly forty three dollars. Independent businesses hire locally, source locally, and reinvest locally at higher rates. The bookstore that can’t afford its lease generates more economic value per dollar of revenue for the neighborhood than the chain pharmacy that replaced it. But the landlord doesn’t capture that value. The community does. And in a system where the landlord’s incentive is the only one that matters, the community’s interest loses. If you’ve ever walked through a neighborhood in Barcelona or Tokyo or Amsterdam and thought “why does this feel so much more alive than back home,” part of the answer is that those cities made deliberate decisions to protect the mix of businesses on their streets. They capped rents, restricted certain commercial uses, subsidized culturally important shops, and treated ground-floor retail as part of the public infrastructure rather than a pure market transaction. The bookstore you wish your neighborhood had isn’t missing because nobody wants it. It’s missing because the economics of American commercial real estate made it impossible for it to survive. So if this comes up in conversation, here’s how to think about it. The businesses that make neighborhoods feel alive, the bookstores, the cafes, the wine shops, are the ones with the thinnest profit margins. A bookstore keeps about twenty cents on every ten dollar sale. It can’t outbid a bank branch for the lease. In France, the government caps rents, restricts Amazon’s pricing, and treats bookstores as essential businesses. In San Francisco, a voter-approved program gives grants to shops that have anchored neighborhoods for decades. Most American cities do neither. The businesses you wish existed in your neighborhood aren’t missing because of bad luck. They’re missing because we built a system where the lease always goes to whoever pays the most, and the places that make a community worth living in almost never can. Stay informed, stay curious, and we’ll see you tomorrow.
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